Marcos' Presidency: The Beginning of The End

Marcos' First Shot at Presidency (1965-1969)

During the four-year period of his term, the country remained a democratic republic, governed according to the Constitution promulgated in 1935 and amended in 1940 and 1946.

In his first term, he immediately reported a crisis in the Philippines economy and announced a strategy of austerity in government expenditures. He ordered the laying off of casual employees in the government and ordered the discontinuance of all unnecessary activities. He directed the cancellation of all reparations awards to private parties as long as the goods were still undelivered, because, according to him, they had been awarded by the previous administration in consideration of kickbacks. He emphasized efficiency and honesty in government. He tried to stabilize the financial position of the government through intensified tax collection. He borrowed from international financing institution to support a large-scale infrastructure works project. He improved agricultural production to make the country self-sufficient in food particularly in rice. He tried to strengthen the foreign relations of the Philippines. He hosted a seven-nation summit conference on the crisis in South Vietnam in October 1966. In support for the U.S. military efforts in South Vietnam, he agreed to send Filipino troops to that war zone.

Among the very important developments during President Marcos' first term were the elections of 1967 and 1969. His first term ended on December 30, 1969, but he presented himself for reelection and won; and so he succeeded himself for another four year term.

Ferdinand Marcos and Fernando Lopez were re-elected in November 1969. They defeated the Liberal Party ticket of Sergio Osmeña and Senator Genaro Magsaysay. Marcos became the first president of the republic to be re-elected.

During the second term of Marcos the most important development was the Congress of the Philippines called for a Constitutional Convention on June 1 1971 to review and rewrite the 1935 Constitution. Three-hundred twenty delegates were elected. Former President Carlos P. Garcia was the head of the Convention and later was former President Diosdado Macapagal. The Conventions’ image was tarnished by scandals which included the bribing of some delegates to make them "vote" against a proposal to prohibit Marcos from continuing in power under a new constitution. Delegate Eduardo Quintero exposed this scandal. The government harassed Quintero for opposing the bribery attempt.

Another significant event was the first Papal Visit of Pope Paul VI to the Philippines on November 27, 1970. It was the first time that Philippines, the only catholic nation in Asia, were visited by a Pope. Wherever the Pope went in Metro Manila, huge crowd met him. The Pope left on November 29.

Another event was the Rise of Student Activism. Students protest on the prevailing conditions of the country saddled the second term of Marcos in office. Large crowds of students went out in the streets of Manila and other urban centers to denounce the rampant graft and corruption, human rights violation, high tuition fees, militarization and abuses of the military, the presence of the U.S. Military bases and the submergence of the Marcos administration to U.S. interest and policies. On January 1970, the most violent demonstration took placed. Thousands of student demonstrators tried the storm the gates of Malacañang. Six students were killed and many were wounded. This event was known as the "Battle of Mendiola".

Kabataang Makabayan (KM) and the Samahang Demokratikong Kabataan (SMK) were some of the radical student groups of this period. The Communist took advantage of the situation and used the demonstrations in advancing its interests. Nilo Tayag and Edgar Joson were the most prominent of the student leaders of this time.

In the early 1970’s many of the acts of violence were inspired by the Communists. However, some were believed to have planned by pro-Marcos and other terrorist incidents rocked Metro Manila. The most fateful event occurred on the night of August 21, 1971 when the liberal party proclamation rally at the Plaza Miranda in the city of Manila was bombed by persons unknown. Nine people were killed and one hundred injured. The president of the liberal party, the LP standard bearer in the preceding presidential elections, all eight candidates for senator, the candidates for mayor, vice mayor and the councilor of Manila, Mrs. Roxas and Mrs. Isidro were injured. Some of them critically and a few were maimed for life. Marcos blamed the communists for the tragic incident. He suspended the writ of Habeas Corpus to maintain peace and order. The suspension was lifted on January 11, 1972. Hundred of suspected subversives among the ranks of students, workers, and professionals were picked up and detained by the government.

Due to the perceived deplorable condition of the nation, the communist movement controlled by President Magsaysay in 1950’s, received their activities and clamor for reform. They reorganize the Communist Party of the Philippines (CBP) and created a new communist guerilla army called the New People’s Army (NPA). It was reported that there was a change of leadership in the NPA from “Commander Dante to Constabulary-defector Lt. Victor Corplez while Jose Maria Sison remained the ideological leader of the NPA and Secretary General of the renovated Communist Party of the Philippines. The Communist took advantage of the growing discontent with the Marcos administration to increase the number and strength. They actively supported a number of anti-Marcos groups. They infiltrated the several student organization, farmers, laborers and even professionals. They were conducting “teach ins” and training in the use of modern weapons in some areas, particularly Mindanao. The NPA gradually increased to ranks and spread to better parts of the country as far as Mindanao.

What Marcos' was Thinking when he Proclaimed Martial Law

Demonstrations, strikes, and riots everywhere, land grabbing in Negros Occidental and in Rizal, a murder every nine minutes, a robbery every twenty minutes, one sexual offence every 100 minutes, a physical injury every ten minutes, and ones swindle every hour, this was the scene in 1971. These were the events the year before the proclamation number 1081, the imposition of Martial law, was signed and announced to the public.

Ferdinand Edralin Marcos was the one who implemented Martial Law at midnight of September 22. His justification was that “a state of rebellion existed in the Philippines , and there was danger to the Republic.” This state of rebellion was primarily caused by the New People’s Army (NPA) and the continuing violent disorder in Mindanao especially in Sulu, resulti8ng in the paralyzation of the economy in Mindanao. Furthermore, he argued that the society at that time was old and sickly. Sickly because according to him we had democracy in form but not in substance. Old because the society was a mixture of culture of the pre-Spanish colonial days with colonial vices inherited and the vices that we ourselves developed.

His main goal that was made known to the public was to build a new society, a society of self-reliant, free individuals enjoying equality of opportunity and composing an egalitarian society, a society without poverty, where wealth is shared, where the gap between the rich and the poor is narrowed down, a society with a strong government with power based on common consent, capable of self-renewal and inspiring individual discipline to hold the community together, and a society where there is democratization of the entire political system with a direct political bond between the masses of the people and their leaders, as exemplified by the Bayanihan spirit.

This is what Marcos wanted to paint in the mind of the public, this new society with democratic revolution which he so wanted to have was just too good to be true. It was too idealistic from the level of chaos of the old, sickly society he described as the Philippines . He wanted the people to realize that they needed him as president. But is this really his real motives? Maybe at one point, yes, but my reading negated it.

Today’s revolution – Democracy was written by Marcos and published in 1971, in order to justify the imposition of Martial law. It was very clear that at the time he was writing the book in 1970, he had already made up his mind to impose Martial Law. It was also detailed in the book that he himself manipulated the events in 1972 or took advantage of natural occurrence to his favor to make the imposition of Martial Law inevitable and justifiable. It did not matter to him that he was the one who contributed much distress, heartaches, headaches, empty stomachs he then “worried” about. All for his selfish desire to keep the power he so long desired.

But before his manipulation on the events of 1972, he first had a study prepared by the Judge Advocate General’s Office and the Department of Justice in relation to the possible imposition of Martial Law on July 1972. The study recommended the following events:

1. Creation of a situation to justify the president’s imposition of Martial Law.
2. With the imposition of Martial Law, the president would be justified in suspending the Constitution of 1935.
3. With the suspension of the Constitution, a military rule would be established with President Marcos wielding dictatorial powers.
4. The suspension of the presidential elections in November 1973 would make the incumbent president the sole authority since the term of office of the Vice-President, senate president, and the Speaker of the House would expire on December 31, 1973.

With the plans at hand, it was just a matter of letting the people be and helping to make the chaos more chaotic, and just blame the communist for everything.

Another motive of Marcos was to gain back the trust and confidence of the people, which was lost to him. He blamed the political opposition, oligarchs, activists, communists and the media for this. Demonstrations were made by the different sectors of the population, from the farmers to the teachers, from the government retirees and employees to the jeepney drivers, from the students to the oil consumers. They did it because they were restless. And there was a lot to be restless about; some of their reasons were the lack of opportunity for the poor, continuing population explosion, ever growing graft and corruption, the inadequate imposition of laws and the irrelevant education system and curriculum.

He missed the days when he can still wiggle out of things, even out of jail because of his sheer intelligence and wit that leaves the people in awe. Years later, his mere presence, causes the students to throw placards, bottles and stones in his direction, just like what happened in the opening of the session of Congress on January 26, 1970.

Marcos also wanted to silence or to simply control the people he openly resented. These were the political oppositions, oligarchs, activists, communists, and the media. He resented the communists and the activists because, for him, their actions are forms of harassment which he believed were designed to panic the citizenry. The oligarchs and the opposition leaders discuss and speak, in editorials, columns, news reports in the newspaper, which he considered as going beyond discussion and democratic dialogue abuse and not serving the public any good. Naturally, he had to take an action to stop them, such as the publication of the government report to communicate with the people which the mass media denied him.

Marcos’ most obvious reason in imposing Martial Law was to further lengthen his term. He saw that there was no further hope that in an election he or any candidate put up by him (most probably his wife, Imelda) could win and if the situate, where the people wanted him out, he was bound to be ousted from office in one way or another. He wanted his wife Imelda Romualdez-Marcos to run but according to a nationwide survey conducted by the Research Center of the Philippines, 95% did not approve of Mrs. Marcos as president of the Philippines and only 5% approved. Naturally, the Malacañang did not believe the survey reports as they say that it is biased, misleading and full of sweeping generalities and based on hearsay.

This simply showed the-ever-deteriorating credibility and faith of the people to the president.

Effects of Martial Law

During the first year of martial law regime saw a change in the behavior of the government officials and the employees prompt service, courtesy, efficiency and good behavior characterized most, if not all, government functionaries. However in the second year of martial law it was resulted in the fast rising of prices of commodities. In some case he succeeded, as in the increase in the production of rice in 1968. For the first time since the 1870’s the Philippine exported rice. However, after 1968, the production again suffered owing to natural calamities. The problem in soaring of prices of commodities could not be solved because of the interference of the unscrupulous among the politicians.

The Philippine some losses in trade, such as spiraling cost of oil imports and the lowering of prices of traditional exports like sugar, copper, and oil concentrates, plywood, coconut oil, logs, lumber, and abaca, led to a trade deficit of P1,164 million in 1975. the lowering price of sugar in world market, with no hope of immediate relief, led the government to increase the price of sugar for the domestic consumption obviously to cushion the shock of the sugars industry’s debacle and to use sugar to manufacture alcohol which the government intends to mix with gasoline in order, first, to minimize the loses of sugar industry and second, to economize on the use of gasoline and so save the country the much needed dollars.

In first year of martial law the Philippine economy had significant growth of Gross National Product (GNP) annually by 6.3%. However in 1982, there was zero growth. By 1983, foreign debt had increased to over $25 billion. In October 1983, the peso’s domestic purchasing at P14 to $1 was down to 16 centavos of the 1972. The projected increase in GNP would likely more attained by producing more luxury items, houses, cars, clubs, and not facilities for needy. While martial law is in effect in the country and authority and discipline could be imposed to facilitate implementation of the plans, specific coordinated steps are not laid out whereby the authority can be used effectively for rapid development.

The gross failure of the government’s action to improve the level of life of the people is further proved by the data on national income per capita and its annual growth. It is seen that in eight years from 1972 to 1980, the national income increased by 58.7% but 58.7% population increased by 20.2%. Thus, the national income per capita increased only 20.1% over the whole period. The gross deterioration in the economic position during the period of martial law was accentuated by the inordinate rise in the external debt. As of September 30, 1972, the external debt amounted to $2,118 billion. On December 31, 1980, the outstanding external debt scaled unduly during the martial law years, multiplying six times during the period. With such great adventurism in administration in the field of fund generation via borrowings, it was inevitable that the money supply in the country grew by leaps and bounds. It is seen that during the period from 1972 to 1983, the money supply increased 2.5 times. This was even dampened to some extend by the accompanying increase in the price of commodities, which provoked a corresponding resistance from the public that slowed down some what the velocity of the money in circulation.

Marcos issued a decree extending tax amnesty to those who deliberately or not failed to pay the correct amount of tax. The campaign to make the Filipinos conscious of their duty in paying tax correctly the amount they owed the government led to results beyond the sanguine expectations of the tax collectors. Tax collections rose precipitously to such height level before known in the country’s history. The amount of back taxed paid by diligent taxpayers who took advantage of tax amnesty was almost a billion pesos. The some collected taxes were spent in the construction of first class roads, highways, irrigation facilities, airfields, improvement of airports, school, houses for the poor, improvement of Manila’s drainage and sewage, hospitals, dispensaries, and homes for the aged and the lepers, and public buildings to house government offices. At no time in the history of the Philippines have infrastructures been given much importance as during the martial law regime.

The martial law has given the importance to the role of labor in private and government affairs and has according to a high labor official changed completely into a major objective of government economic policy. The construction of roads, bridges, airports, and other forms of infrastructure led to increased employment. In 1975, there were 15.2 million in labor force, of whom 14.6 million or 96.2% were unemployed. On the other hand, underemployment remained at 9.2%, of the total labor force. On the domestic’s front, the wages of laborers have been increased to P10.00 a day in Metro Manila and P9.00 outside Metro Manila.

Curfew was enforced strictly during the martial law so that the usual nocturnal activities of lawless elements were minimized. The streets were now deserted and night clubs everywhere turned out their customers even before the approach of the curfew hour. It was also noted in some provinces, although in some distant areas sporadic fighting between the New People’s Army and the government forces were known to have erupted. The greatest treat to peace and order came not from the NPA’s, which activities were not massive in nature but from so called Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF). Later the peace and order was very poor and crimes were rising.

In times of martial law the government officials were corrupt, abusive, and dishonest and had enriched themselves in office. Dishonesty was so common that the public did not expect government officials and employees to be honest in the performance of their duties. Graft and corruption had made the government poorer and few men richer. The obvious disparity in the distribution of wealth in which wealthy became wealthier and the poor poorer was one of the causes of discontent among the poor. social stability was thus threatened and what Marxists call a “revolutionary situation “seemed to prevail in a society that was largely feudal.

Waking Up from a Nightmare

After an eight long years, 3 months and 26 days of implementing the program of development in the Philippines, President Marcos issued proclamation No. 2045 on January 17, 1981, lifting Martial Law. The president lifted it to make the Filipino and the people around the world feel that the critical situation in the Philippines had already been resolved and everything was already back in normal. Under the 1973 Constitution, the government had already been functioning smoothly and had already been doing their roles and responsibilities well. But even though Martial law was already lifted, Marcos still exercised and practiced his authoritarian rule and remained powerful.

But years later, an incident happened that had actually awakened the Filipinos to the evils of Marcos as a dictator.

When Martial Law was proclaimed, the first politician that had been arrested by the military on order of President Marcos was Benigno S. Aquino Jr. Marcos allowed Aquino to leave the country to enable him to undergo an emergency heart by pass operation in the United States. When Aquino decided to come home in 1983, the government asked him to postpone his return claiming that there were some people who wanted to kill him. But he persisted and was able to fly back in the Philippines using fake travel documents.

But as Aquino and his military escorts arrived and were going down the stairway, he was shot and laid dead on the airport talmac.

The assassination transformed Ninoy Aquino into an "idol". The battlecry "Ituloy parin ang laban ni Ninoy, hindi ka nag-iisa" were heard from Anti-Marcos demonstrators that erupted Metro Manila and other urban center in the country.

There was a slow down of economic activities caused largely by high price of oil and the decline in the world market. Moreover, the tourism industry suffered a great decline due to the wave of anti-Marcos demonstrations in the country that drew the tourist away. The issued faced by the government was also a hindrance in the entry of foreign investments. Loans were no longer granted by the foreign banks and foreign creditors started demanding for the payment of debts.

The industry sector could no longer import raw material needed in production due to an inadequate supply of foreign exchange. And these caused for the companies to be closed and caused for the unemployment of Filipinos.

Marcos tried to launch a national economic recovery program but didn’t come up with a significant result. The economy continued to decline due to the lack of credibility of Marcos and the rampant graft and corruption in the government. Many officials spent money for their own good and interest.

Due to the continuous depression of the economy and some critical issues in the country, Marcos was pressured to institute reforms as a condition for the grant of additional economic and financial help of United States. And due to the demand of US President Reagan’s inner circle to retain Marcos as the President, Marcos proposed to hold a presidential election and publicly announced that it would be needed for a new mandate from the people to carry out a national economic recovery program successfully. It was then scheduled by the Batasang Pambansa on February 7, 1986.

The opposition then proposed that Mrs. Corazon Cojuangco-Aquino to be their candidate for presidency against Marcos.

The two rival political camps had their own slogan and symbols and campaigned eagerly from December 1985 to February 5, 1986. Marcos´ party had red as their symbolic color with the campaign slogan of "Marcos parin!" with "V" sign. He attacked Aquino by presenting her as an inexperienced in politics and unqualified to be president. He desperately warned that an Aquino victory would pave the way for communist rule in the Philippines.

On the other hand, Aquino had yellow as their symbolic color with the campaign slogan of "Tama na, Sobra na, Palitan na" and an "L" sign for laban. She called for truth, justice and freedom and planned to solve the country’s problem through restoration of democracy and the establishment of an honest government.

On the day of the election, February 7, 1986, about 20 million registered voters cast their votes. And due to electoral manipulation such as massive vote buying, terrorizing voters, ballot box snatching and falsification, alteration of election returns, Marcos ensure his victory. But the cheating was so widespread that the Catholic Bishop Conference of the Philippines strongly condemned the conduct of election.

The fraudulent election weakened American support for the presidency of Marcos. The international community who was convinced that the February 7 election was fraud believed that Marcos no longer had the mandate of the people.

The Greatest Show of Philippine Unification

Aquino had scored a moral triumph in the elections but her path to power remained unclear. Marcos refused to transfer authority to her and the Reagan administration, although its stance to Philippine government was rapidly changing, was unwilling to ask him to step down. Given the president’s intolerance and the US government's inaction, four scenarios seemed possible.

1. the Aquino camp which acts alone, would overthrow Marcos through either a campaign of civil disobedience or an insurrection led by its social democratic allies.
2. The RAM (Reform the AFP Movement) led by Enrile, would launch a successful troop.
3. Marcos after crashing any attempts to overthrow his regime would declare Martial Law for the second time, leaving an alliance with the communists as perhaps the alternative available to the Aquino camp.
4. the military rebels would retreat after their plot was discovered, relying on civilians to protect them from government troops (which is what actually happened)

Aquino's ascension to power was by no means inevitable. But it was highly probable because electoral crusade had made her the unchallenged leader of the anti-Marcos forces.

Aquino's leadership of the opposition meant that the crowds, which first emerged after the assassination and reappeared in huge number during the presidential campaign, were hers to command. She could use her mass base to defeat Marcos directly or she could employ it in alliance with armed groups. When she declared that she had won the election, she threatened Marcos with street demonstrations if he did not arrange for an immediate transfer of power.

Enrile and Ramos publicly announced through a press conference in Camp Aguinaldo that they were breaking away from the fold of Marcos' dictatorship and that hey were supporting Mrs. Corazon-Cojuangco Aquino. It was made in the early evening of February 22, 1986. But when Marcos learned about the defection of Enrile and Ramos, he immediately went on a nationwide radio and TV to announce that he had discovered and failed RAM's plot to overthrow the government. He demanded that Ramos and Enrile surrendered. But Enrile and Ramos defied his order. The two rebel leaders said that the issue was no longer the reforms but the legitimacy to Marcos' rule. They called on Marcos to resign and warned him no to order any attack on Camp Crame and Aguinaldo for they were prepared to defend the camp.

Young women and girls were to hand out blossoms to pro-government soldiers to lesser their hostility toward the military rebels. With Cardinal Sin, who could inspire a vast number of people to support rebellion, would also be able to recruit priests and nuns to be in the vanguard and the Filipino soldiers would have great difficulty in obeying to fire on the clergy.

People reacted quickly, stopping advances by government troops against the rebels. They remained nonviolent, avoiding conflict that the government probably would have won with superior firepower. The defense of civilians provided for the rebels gave Ramos and Enrile time to bring the armed forces completely under control.

Filipinos often claim that it was a miracle that the four-day people power revolution was peaceful. Although they may have been counting on divine intervention, people were working hard at devising clever tactics that made God's task easier. The new techniques were widely employed during the people power.

The civilian surrounding the military camps convinced the Reagan administration to finally abandon Marcos party and call for his resignation. The U.S. troops, after consulting the opposition, forcibly disarmed the Marcos party and flew them to Guam and then on Hawaii which gave rise to the issue of the former Philippine President's charges of being kidnapped. People power had both toppled Marcos and determined his successor.

References: http://www.geocities.com/CollegePark/Pool/1644/marcosera.html
Cortes, Rosario M. Philippine Presidents 100 Years. Philippine Historical Association; Quezon City, 1999
Rodriguez, Filemon C. The Marcos Regime Rope of the Nation. MOED Press: Quezon City, 1985
Thompson, Mark R. The anti-Marcos Struggle: Personalistic rule and Democratic transition in the Philippines. New Day, Quezon City, c1996
Agoncillo, Teodoro Introduction to Philippine History